13 February 2021: the 250th Dukhrana of Sahada Mar Ikkako cathanar of Champakulam

 

13 February 2021: the 250^th Dukhrana of Sahada Mar Ikkako cathanar of Champakulam

Dr Martin Thomas Antony

Ikkako Cathanar of Champakulam who lived in the 18^th century, was a Saintly Martyr of the Pazhayacoor Saint Thomas Christians of Malabar. He was subjected to inquisition and torture and was unlawfully killed in the custody of the European Missionaries at Verapoly, which was the headquarters of the Carmelites of the Malabar Mission since the 17th century. Ikkako Cathanar’s death resulted in significant upheaval in the resistance of the Saint Thomas Christians against Latinisations and colonial suppression by the European Missionaries. Ikkako Cathanar’s firm stands for safeguarding the religio-cultural tradition of the local Church cost him his life.

 

Church of Saint Thomas Christians.

 The Church of Saint Thomas Christians of India is an ancient apostolic church that developed in the Indian subcontinent and was founded by Apostle Thomas. It grew in communion with the East Syriac family of churches. Churches in Edessa, Selucia- Ctesiphon, Persia and India were founded by either Apostle Thomas or his disciples Mar Addai and Mar Mari. These churches constitute the East Syriac family of Churches and also referred to as the Church of the East. These Thomasine Churches developed outside the Roman Empire in a Judeo-Christian background. Eastern Syriac was their liturgical language.

The Saint Thomas Christians thrived in the socio-cultural milieu of South India as an indigenous community and thrived as a Christian republic as narrated by some of the Early European Missionaries[i]. Even when they were under different Kings, the community was governed by local, regional and national assemblies (Palliyogams) developed in the form of ‘manrams’ of the ancient Dravidian communities[ii]. The Palliyogam held authority over all Christians in social, ecclesial, civil, and even criminal matters. The Archdeacon, a native priest was the President of the National Assembly and the administrator while the Bishops were only spiritual authority.

Colonial Missionary Enterprise.

During the middle ages, Portuguese Roman Catholic Missionaries arrived in Babylon and India. In Babylon, they managed to get a faction of the East Syriac Church (Church of the Est) into the Catholic communion and they formed the Patriarchate of Chaldeans in AD 1552. In AD 1498, the first fleet of Portuguese navigators arrived in Kerala under the leadership of Vasco Da Gama. This was followed by traders and Missionaries.  Since then, the Roman Catholic Missionaries continued their influence in the public and religious life of the Saint Thomas Christians using political force and commercial and economic influence on the local rulers. They interfered with the religio cultural aspects of the native Thomas Christians and tried to separate them from the Patriarchate of Chaldeans and Patriarchate of Babylon and to subjugate them under the Roman Catholic Church. When Mar Abraham, the last Chaldean Bishop died in 1597, the missionaries tried everything to make sure that no other bishops should come from Babylon. The Roman Catholic Missionaries felt that everything not under the Roman Catholic faith was wrong and heretic. They considered the Syriac language and the Bishops of Syriac rite arriving in Kerala as vehicles of heresy[iii]. The unlawful synod of Diamper organised by the European Missionaries suppressed the authority of the Archdeacon and the Church assemblies. Eventually, the Church of Saint Thomas Christians of Kerala lost its connection to the Church of the East and was subjugated to the Roman Catholic Church. They had to depend on the Latin rite Bishops for all the ecclesial and spiritual needs. Their religio cultural life was suppressed and the community underwent persecution[iv].

 

This resulted in a great revolt, known as the Coonan Cross Oath and subsequent installation of the Archdeacon as the Bishop and Head of the local Church was a declaration of independence from the colonial European Missionaries. The efforts of reconciliation by the Church of Rome with the Carmelites and the change in the political situation, with the Dutch capturing Cochin and forcing all European Missionaries to leave Malabar resulted in Palliveettil Chandy Cathanar a nephew of the Archdeacon and a former consulter being canonically consecrated as the Bishop of Saint Thomas Christians. Thus, the community divided into two, those who continued the existent rite and communion with the Roman Church for about 99 years were called Pazhayacoor- the old allegiance, and those who sought for a new alliance with the Syriac Church of Antioch were called the Puthencoor-the new allegiance.

The Portuguese Missionaries with their religiopolitical force made sure that no Bishops from the East Syriac Church could arrive in Malabar. When the Puthencoor became converted to the Antiochene West Syriac rite, the gap between the two communities widened and the Missionaries then realised that the Pazhayacoor Thomas Christians are helpless as they could neither join the Puthencoor nor could they re-establish the age-old alliance with the Patriarchate of Chaldeans. They used this pathetic situation to completely subjugate them and try to convert them en masse to the Latin Rite.

The native Priests were very resistant to latinisations. They considered their East Syriac tradition and liturgy as their blood and race. Palakkunnathu Mathai Mariam Cathanar wrote in his chronicles that his blood was Chaldean and hence he did not agree with the actions of the Missionaries[v]. The native Christians proclaimed that the Syriac language and worship were handed over to them by Apostle Thomas[vi]. And hence they were so attached to it.

The European Missionaries wanted to hurt the pride of the native clergy by bullying and harassing them as they knew that they would not want to join the Puthencoor faction and they were unable to re-establish their connection to the East Syriac Church. The Missionaries started harassing and intimidating the native priests to subjugate them as they were helpless. The native Christians were accused as heretics and their priests were considered as inferior to the European Priests. The native priests were not even allowed to sit before European Missionaries or dine with them. Several Priests were persecuted, tortured, and even killed. The native Priests were subjected to severe harassment because of their race and colour.

Sahada Mar Ikkako Cathanar.

Ikkako Cathanar was born in the Puthenpurackal/Puthenparampil[vii] family at Chamapakulam. He was the vicar of Edappalli Church and was martyred by the colonial European Missionaries in AD 1771. With the available documents, we can assume that Ikkako Cathanar was wrongly accused in the case of a lost gold monstrance at the Verapoly church in AD 1771 and was forcefully taken in custody by the European Missionaries, tortured and killed unlawfully in custody. This case was heard by a minister of the Kingdom of Travancore and two missionaries were convicted to pay a fine[viii]. There is also documentary evidence that Lawrence Justiniani, the Carmelite Apostolic visitor of the time who attended the Maha Palliyogam of Mar Thoma Nasranis at Mar Hormis Church Angamaly held from the 20^th of August to 5^th of September  1773, agreed along with many things, that the Mar Thoma Nasrani Cathanars would not be punished without being judged by the representatives of four churches (regional Palli yogams) He also agreed in writing that in future, the native Cathanars would not be tortured or punished without studying the matter[ix]. Some authors like Ambrosius commented   that it was agreed that all cases of the Syrians would be judged by their own judges[x]. This is an admission that Ikkako Cathanar was convicted, ill-treated, tortured, and killed without a fair trial.

Moreover, a letter from Congregation of Propaganda Fide to Vicar Apostolic in Malabar in 1774[xi] also mentions “sacred congregation orders and commands both the Vicar Apostolic and the missionaries of that mission that for the future they should abstain from practising such cruelties especially towards the priests and the ecclesiastics of that nation. In punishing them for their faults after having had legitimate proofs, they should adopt only means in harmony with meekness and sweetness demanded by charity, the character of their office, and prudence, which should direct them not to anger a nation which suffers badly from the yoke of being governed by the directors and the heads of a different rite on whose will alone depends on its separation from the Catholic union at one stroke”. In this, it is obvious that the Sacred Congregation of the Propagation of Faith observed that Ikkako Cathanar was convicted without having legitimate proofs and was ill-treated, tortured and killed.

From history, we can see that during his last days, Ikkako Cathanar pleaded for the sacrament of reconciliation and Eucharist but they were denied to him[xii]. This itself is enough for us to believe that Ikkako Cathanar achieved a glorious place in the house of the Lord Almighty.

Ikkako Cathanar was buried without any sacredness on the side of a pond on the premises of Verapoly church.[xiii]

The Chronicles of Poothara Korah Cathanar kept with the Poothara family at Champakulam describes a dispute with European Padres at Champakulam in which Ikkako Cathanar standing firmly for the rights of the ‘Desathupattakkar’ (priests of the Parish) for leading and carrying the reliquary at the procession during the celebration of the main feast of the church.[xiv] A few people who accompanied the European Missionaries were caught in action while trying to take valuable gold ornaments from the reliquaries. This resulted in public disgrace to the European Missionaries. As Ikkako Cathanar was in the forefront of this resistance to the colonial-minded Missionaries for invading into the law, customs, and rituals of this local church, he was targeted for revenge when he was at Verapoly[xv].

The author has recently visited the church at Verapoly(Saint Joseph’s and Mount Carmel Roman Catholic Church, Verapoly, Ernakulam District, Kerala). There is a pond on the right side of the church about 500 metres away behind the school and in front of the parish hall. The pond has been modified, concreted all around as it is in front of the parish hall. This could be the pond on the side of which, Ikkako Cathanar was buried without any sacredness.

Observations on  Ikkako Cathanar event

1. This was a conflict between two individual churches. A native church was forcefully invaded by another church of different rite and traditions using the colonial power. Mar Ignatius of Antioch, a disciple of Mar Yohannan the Evangelist is the first Church Father who used the term ‘catholic,’ in his Epistle to Smyrneans, where he used it in the meaning a communion of local churches of different traditions[xvi]. Therefore, this was against the concept of the Universal church encoded since the Apostolic period.

2. One of the European  Missionaries who had a significant role in the persecution and murder of Ikkako Cathanar was later appointed as the vicar apostolic to the Pazhayacoor, the Thomas Christians in the Catholic fold. This shows the pathetic situation of the Catholic Thomas Christians. Even with these harassments and helpless situation, the native Thomas Christian Priests of the Catholic fold continued their resistance to Latinisations and love to their local church and rite resulted in Rome recognising their rite and establishing Vicariates for Syo Chaldean faithful in Malabar in 1887 and later the  Syro Malabar Hierarchy in 1923.

3.This event was an example of persecution of native Christians by European Missionaries.

3.a  The faithful and their Priests were stamped as heretics.

3b.  Discrimination of the native Priests based on race. The native priests were neither allowed to sit before the European Priests not dine with them. This is seen in the documentations by Nidheerickal Mani Cathanar and Palakkunnel Mathai Maryam Cathanar[xvii].

3c.  Persecutions in the form of beating the Priests, chaining the Priests and displaying them in public, beating up by people of inferior caste in a caste driven socio-political milieu of the middle ages[xviii]. It would be surprising to note that these persecutions were carried out for not obeying the Missionaries, for carrying the reliquaries on a feast etc.

4 It is obvious that the foreign Missionaries did not observe the moral and ethical values narrated and propagated in the Synod of Diamper in treating the native Priests and faithful.

Implications of Ikkako Cathanar event and the Angamaly Mahayogam.

Ikkako Cathanar’s death resulted in significant upheaval in the resistance of the Saint Thomas Christians against Latinisations and colonial suppression by the European Missionaries.

Ikkako Cathanar event and the intimidation at the funeral service of Bishop Florence in 1773 resulted in the famous Angamaly Yogam- the Synod of Angamaly in 1773 AD for 16 days from Aug 23 to Sept 5 at the St Hormiz church Angamaly. About 500 representatives from 72 Churches attended the Synod. The Synod demanded a solution for the maltreatment and harassment from the European Missionaries[xix].

The Synod could force the representatives of the Missionaries to agree with the demands in writing but one can observe that they did not observe them[xx].

The synod also resulted in these issues being discussed in the Sacred Congregation for the propagation of the faith in the Roman Curia in 1774 AD[xxi]. This was a great achievement. The Sacred Congregation sent a letter to the Missionaries in Malabar prohibiting them from these kinds of maltreatment and commented that “ in punishing them for their faults after having had legitimate proofs, they should adopt only means in harmony with meekness and sweetness demanded by charity, the character of their office, and prudence, which should direct them not to anger a nation which suffers badly from the yoke of being governed by the directors and the heads of a different rite on whose will alone depends on its separation from the Catholic union at one stroke.[xxii]”

From this, one can observe that the martyrdom of Mar Ikkako Cathanar resulted in Rome realising the need for recognising the Saint Thomas Christians, their rite and traditions which might have paved the way for establishing the Syro Malabar Hierarchy later.

Conclusion.

According to certain family documents, the date of the martyrdom of Ikkako cathanar was ME 946 Kumbham 5[xxiii] which would be 13th February 1771[xxiv]. Therefore, February 2021 would be the 250th martyrdom. (But, ME 1196 Kumbham 5 will be 17 February 2021[xxv]) The faithful of the Syro Malabar Church would like the sacred memory of Sahada Mar Ikkako Cathanar of Champakulam to be remembered and glorified. Mar Ikkako Cathanar was a martyr for the local particular Church of Saint Thomas Christians and steadfastly stood firm for their particular law, traditions, and customs. He was also martyred on wrong accusations and without proper trial and evidence. Mar Ikkako Cathanar could escape these persecutions if he had admitted the accusations but he stood for the truth and dignity of the local church.

In connection with the 250th year of the martyrdom of Ikkako cathanar, Ruha Media organised a webinar on 8th November 2020. See the link.

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u4xy4makp7o&t=151s

(Credits. Thanks to Mr Mathew Mailapparampil for thoroughly reviewing the paper and for suggestions and corrections. Thanks to Ruha Media for permission to use the link to the webinar.)

 

References

---

[i] Paulinus De Bartholomew, Viaggio alle Indie Orientali, Roma Presso Antonio Fulgoni, 1796, p 136, William Johnston, A voyage to East Indies containing an account of the manners customs and of the natives with geographical description of the country collected from observations made during a residence of thirteen years between 1776 and 1789  in districts little frequented by Europeans by Fra Paolino  Da San  Bartolomeo with notes and illustrations by John Reinhold Forster, translated from German by William Johnston, London, 1800, p 196

[ii] Alexander P varghese, India: History, Religion, vision, and contribution to the world, vol 1 Atlantic Publishers New Delhi, 2008, p 318

[iii] David Taylor, The Channel through which flows every kind of heresy: European antagonism towards Syriac language and texts on the Malabar coast , 16-18 centuries, Paper presented to Aram Society for Syro Mesopotamian Studies Forty Eighth International Conference on Syriac Christianity, 11-13 July 2018

[iv] Abraham M Nidhiry, Father Nidhiri, A History of his time, Kottayam 1971, p53, 65

[v] Palakkunnel Mathai Maryam Cathanar, Palakkunnel Valyachante Nalagamam Malayalam (Chronicles of Palakkunnel Mathai Maryam cathanar), Palakkunnel Mathai mariam Cathanar Death centnary Committee, 2000, p 145

[vi] Rev Dr Placid Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar Church, in Rev Dr Thomas Kalayil (Ed) Collected works of Rev Dr Placid Podipara CMI, Vol 1 p678 citing Giamil who narrated that in a letter sent by three saint Thomas Christians in 1578 to Pope saying our prayers are in Syriac or Chaldean language which was handed over to us by our Lord Saint Thomas and we and our predecessors have been taught this language.

[vii] The Editor of Varthamana pusthakam published by OIRSI 1989 edition states the family name as Puthenpurackal. Many documents from Chamapkulam use the term Puthenpurackal- like the Chronicles of Poothara Korah Cathanaar, the book of Jacob J Kurialacherry  But Fr Bernard Thomas in Keralathile Mar Thoma Kristhysnikal, mentions the family name Puthenparampil. Fr Jacob Nellikkunnath in Changanacherry athiroopatha innale, innu, mentions Puthenparampil in page 87 and Rev Dr Xavier Koodapuzha in Bharatha sabha Charithram. It seems those who accepted the term Puthenparampil are quoting Bernard Thomas.

[viii] Rev. Dr.Thomas Kalayail, Ed. Collected works of Rev Dr Placid J Podipara CMI Vol I, The Thomas Christians, p 393, Rev. Dr Varghese Puthusserry, Reunion Efforts of St Thomas Christians of India 1750-1773, A Historical-Critical analysis of the Contemporary Documents, Mary Matha Publications, Trichur, 2008, p 229

[ix] Revd. Varghese Puthusserry, Reunion Efforts of St Thomas Christians of India 1750-1773, A Historical-Critical analysis of the Contemporary Documents, Mary Matha Publications, Trichur, 2008, p 225

[x] Revd. Varghese Puthusserry, Reunion Efforts of St Thomas Christians of India 1750-1773, A Historical-Critical analysis of the Contemporary Documents, Mary Matha Publications, Trichur, 2008, p 225 citing Ambrosius, Hierarchia Carmelitana seu Series Illistrium Praesulum Ecclesiasticorum ex Ordine Carmelitarum Discalceatorum, Fasc. IV, Romae, 1939

[xi] Archives of the Congregation of the Evangelisation of People, Istruzion Tomus II, ff 76v-77r and Scritture Originali Riferite nei Congressi Generali 839, f.224 cited by Dr V Puthusserry, Reunion Efforts of St Thomas Christians of India 1750-1773, A Historical-Critical analysis of the Contemporary Documents, Mary Matha Publications, Trichur, 2008, p 226.

[xii] Paremmakkal Thomman cathanar, Varthamana pusthakam, OIRSI Pubications Vadavathoor Edition 1989, p53

[xiii]  Paremmakkal Thomman cathanar, Varthamana pusthakam, OIRSI Pubications Vadavathoor Edition 1989 p 52

[xiv] Abraham M Nidhiri, Father Nidhiri:A History of his time, Kottayam, 1971, p 65. It was the right of the local priests to carry the reliquaries on the processions but when Florence of Jesus of nazerath was the Vicar Apostolic (1752-1773) he insisted that  the European Padres should lead the processions and carry the reliquaries.

[xv] Mathew Mailaparampil, Joseph George, Ikkako Kathanar, the forgotten martyr, March 19, 2014 at www.nasrani.net accessed on 03/02/2019 https://www.nasrani.net/2012/07/01/ikkako-kathanar-the-forgotten-martyr/#identifier_12_976 citing Jacob J Kuriallacherry, Kalloorkkadu Palliyum Suriyani Christianikalum, (mal) Chamapakulam, 1986.

 

[xvi] Richardson, Cyril C. “The Church in Ignatius of Antioch.” The Journal of Religion, vol. 17, no. 4, 1937, pp. 428–443. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1196375. Accessed 3 Feb. 2021.

[xvii] Abraham M Nidhiry, Father Nidhiri, A History of his time, Kottayam 1971, p53, 65and 100; Palakkunnel Mathai Maryam Cathanar, Palakkunnel Valyachante Nalagamam Malayalam (Chronicles of Palakkunnel Mathai Maryam cathanar), Palakkunnel Mathai mariam Cathanar Death centnary Committee, 2000, p270.

[xviii]  Rev Dr Varghese Puthusserry, Reunion efforts of St Thomas Christians of India 1750-1773, A Historical- critical analysis of the contemporary documents, Mary Matha Publications, Trissur,2008, p221- 233;

[xix] Rev Dr Varghese Puthusserry, Reunion efforts of St Thomas Christians of India 1750-1773, A Historical- critical analysis of the contemporary documents, Mary Matha Publications, Trissur,2008 p 216

[xx] Rev Dr Varghese Puthusserry, Reunion efforts of St Thomas Christians of India 1750-1773, A Historical- critical analysis of the contemporary documents, Mary Matha Publications, Trissur,2008 p 233

[xxi] Rev Dr Varghese Puthusserry, Reunion efforts of St Thomas Christians of India 1750-1773, A Historical- critical analysis of the contemporary documents, Mary Matha Publications, Trissur,2008 p224-225

[xxii] Rev Dr Varghese Puthusserry, Reunion efforts of St Thomas Christians of India (1750-1773) citing Archives of the Congregation for the Evangelisation of the peoples, Iztruzione Tomus 2, ff 76v-77r and Scritture Originali Riferite nei Congressi Vol839, f 224

[xxiii] Mathew Mailapparampil, Joseph George, Ikkako kathanar, the forgotten martyr, NSC network. https://www.nasrani.net/2012/07/01/ikkako-kathanar-the-forgotten-martyr/ accessed on 09 Feb 2021.

[xxiv] https://www.drikpanchang.com/malayalam/malayalam-month-calendar.html?date=09/02/1771 accessed on 10 Feb 2021

[xxv] https://www.drikpanchang.com/malayalam/malayalam-month-calendar.html accessed on 10 Feb 2021

Syriac Music conference and Syriac Music Festival- Gloucester, England, 14 July 2018

Kennara, an International Conference on sacred Syriac Music and Kadavil Chandy Kathanaar Syriac music festival held in Gloucester , England on 14th July 2018. This was organised by the Syro Malabar Eparchy of Great Britain and supported by NSC network, Laus Plena Foundation and Christian Musicological Society of India.

Kennara, International Conference on Sacred Syriac Music.

The conference on Sacred Syriac Music, probably first of its kind, was attended by international delegates including Veronique Nebel of Laus Plena Foundation, an international organisation supporting Sacred Christian Music traditions especially of the Eastern Churches and the earliest Christian traditions, Polus Gajo, a scholar from Iraq representing the Syriac Catholic Church in the Middle East and Rev Dr Joseph Palackal, eminent Ethnomusicologist and researcher of Indian Christianity. Mar Joseph Srampikkal, the Syro Malabar Eparchial Bishop of Great Britain presided over the Conference.

Veronique Nebel from Laus Plena Foundation commented that the Musical traditions of Syro Malabar Church is a treasure of the Universal Church that needs to be recovered, owned by the faithful and to be passed to the next generation. Laus Plena Foundation extended their support to recover and archive the forgotten Syriac chants in India. Polus Gajo presented about the Syriac music tradition of the Middle East and performed several chants in Syriac and the local Aramaic dialect still existing. It was notable that in the local Aramaic dialect, in the Lord’s Prayer, they use the term ‘Seytan’ instead of ‘Bisa’ in Syriac. Mr Gajo also presented a few recorded Syriac chants from the Middle East.

Rev Dr. Joseph Palackal, in his paper, talked about serious deficiencies of the translation of Syriac terms in the vernacular liturgy. Fr Palackal pointed out that the translation of Rooha is totally disappointing as ‘spirit’ or ‘aroopi’. These terms could not translate the real meaning of ‘Rooha’ in Syriac. Many terms develop in a dialect with rich meaning from that linguistic and cultural milieu and such terms cannot be translated but to be adopted like the usage of ‘Yoga’, ‘Guru’, etc in English. Thus we should retain the word ‘Rooha’ and accept it. Fr Palackal also pointed out that in the 1970s, nearly 10 years after the vernacularization of the Syro Malabar Liturgy and thereby popularisation of terms ‘parishudhalmavu’, ‘parishudhaaroopy’ etc, Vayalar Rama Varma, a Hindu poet in the movie ‘Makane Ninakkuvendi’, composed the song of Lord’s prayer in Malayalam ‘Bavakkum puthranum parishudha roohaakkum….’, even when lyrics ‘parishidhalmavinum’ or’ parishudharoopikkum’ would have fit into the melody that was composed by Devarajan. This shows the linguistic semantic sensibility that the Liturgical Committee lacked.  Fr Palackal commented that in order to own this music tradition and to pass on to the next generation, the present generation should extend their prayer vocabulary to include Syriac terms and to include some Syriac chants in the liturgy.

Mar Joseph Srampikkal, the Syro Malabar Eparchial Bishop of Great Britain also agreed on the poor translation of Syriac into the vernacular liturgy. Mar Srampikkal commented that there should be more efforts to revive the Syriac traditions and spirituality and to foster the Syriac music tradition in India.  Mar Srampikkal is a young and energetic Bishop who is trying to build the church in the UK. Bishop Joseph has visited most of the communities and a large number of families as a part of his Pastoral ministry. The Eparchial Gathering of November 2017 was a Great initiative to understand the community and to build the community in its genuine spirituality. Mar Srampikkal is one of those shepherds who knows the sheep. It was great that even in the middle of his busy commitments on 14th July and the Walsingham Pilgrimage on 15th July, Mar Srampikkal participated the entire programme, listened to the musical performances and encouraged the participants.

Kadavil Chandy Kathanaar Syriac Music Festival.

A Syriac music competition in the name of Kadavil Chandy Kathanar was also planned but due to the lack of a sufficient number of teams, a Syriac Music festival was organised instead, along with this Conference. Several singers including two blessed little children of ages 4 and 5 sang Syriac songs wonderfully. The overseas participants were very delighted to see the enthusiasm of these little children and their parents to foster Syriac music tradition. The pastoral formation by Rev Fr Joy Vayalil and Rev Fr Paul Vetticattu of the Bristol Chaplaincy of Syro Malabar Church of Great Britain is commendable as they use Syriac songs in the Holy Eucharistic Liturgy regularly.

Kadavil Chandy Kathanaar

Kadavil Chandy Kathanar was a great poet of the Catholic Saint Thomas Christians. He was born in 1588 in Kaduthuruthy. Chandy Kathanaar was a great Syriac scholar who composed Syriac songs in India. He was popularly known as Alexander the Indian in the Syriac literature. He was a theologian and one of the four consulters of the Archdeacon. After the Coonan Cross oath, when Carmelite Missionaries arrived and reconciled with the revolted Saint Thomas Christians, Kadavil Chandy Cathanar along with Parampil Chandy Kathanaar and Vengoor Giwargis Kathanaar, returned to the Catholic communion that resulted in the formation of the ‘Pazhayacoor’ community which later became the present day Syro Malabar Church and the Church of the East in India- the Chaldeans of Trichur. Thus, Kadavil Chandy Kathanaar was one of the three forefathers of the section of Saint Thomas Christians who retained the East Syriac spirituality and traditions while the other section moved over to the West Syriac rite. This event was a great honour to the memory of Kadavil Chandy Kathanar.

It was very appropriate for the Syro Malabar Eparchy to organise such a unique event as this is a young eparchy which is trying to grow in the authentic spirituality of Syro Malabar Church. The event had a great catechetical role. Rev Fr Paul Vetticattu, the Chaplain of the Goucester- Bristol Chaplaincy, Rev Fr Joy Vayalil, the Director of Catechesis of the Eparchy and the leaders of the Bristol- Gloucester Syro Malabar community deserves all the credit for the organisation of this wonderful event. The faithful are deeply indebted to the great support from Mar Joseph Srampikkal in the faith formation of the Church in England in its authentic spirituality.

Pahlavi inscribed Sliva of Irinjalakkuda : An appraisal of the iconography and theology.

Martin Thomas Antony[1], Judeson Kochuparampil[2], Alphin Joseph Chackochan[3].

---

[1] Author of the paper.[2] Contribution to the theological and iconographic discussion.

[3] Contribution in the form of unveiling this previously not very well known sliva to the public by his investigative and research attitude towards Thomasine Christianity and traditions and the photograph of the Saint Thomas cathedral at Irinjalakkuda.

Introduction

Pahlavi inscribed bas relief crosses are the most ancient antiquities of the Saint Thomas Christians of India. A modern  Pahlavi inscribed granite bas relief sliva has been installed at the Saint Thomas cathedral of Irinjalakkuda belonging to the Syro Malabar Major Archi-episcopal Church. This was during the renovation of the cathedral on the occasion of  the Silver Jubilee celebration of the eparchy and cathedral in 2003.This sliva  is found on the left wall of the main nave of the church on the side of the altar. There are several such crosses excavated from South India and South Asia reminding us of the common religio cultural patrimony of the East Syriac Christians of the area. Several scholars have studied these crosses and they have been discussed in many oriental scholastic forums. It has been confirmed that these inscriptions are in the Pahlavi script that was used to write middle Iranian languages.

The ancient sliva of Alengad[1] is supposed to be most ancient of this genre of crosses based on the epigraphical studies[2]. The Alengad sliva has been dated back to the 3rd or 4th century AD. It is accepted by scholars that these crosses in South India are unintelligent copies of a single original[3] which could be  the Alengad sliva.

It was Arthur Coke Burnell[4] who first reported that these inscriptions are in Pahlavi, a Middle Persian language[5]. Due to the presence of a Middle Persian language on it, Burnell commented that these could belong to a group of Christians who were once Manicheans and then converted to Christianity as the cross and inscriptions are definitely of Christian in character[6]. Burnell wrote that he would expect more evidence of a Manichean presence in South India.

Richard Collins refuted Burnell's arguments quoting Eusebius' account of Panthaenus who reported to have found Christians with a Gospel of Mathew in Hebrew  characters before the second century to prove that Christianity existed in India before the period of Manes[7].

Further research brought out a large body of evidence pointing towards the presence of Syriac Christianity in relation to Persian Church in Malabar and its connection to the Persian Church refuting the argument of Burnell. Moreover,further studies were carried out and more Pahlavi inscribed crosses were excavated which lead to accurate reading of the inscriptions. It confirmed that these crosses are the most ancient artefacts of the East Syriac Thomasine Christianity in Malabar and its relationshipwith the Church of Fars in Persia Proper.

Certain vested interests within the Syro Malabar Church once resulted in accusations that these crosses were Manichean in origin by misquoting Burnell.  Burnell never commented that these crosses were Manichaean. He only commented that as these crosses bear Pahlavi inscriptions, they could belong to a group of Christians who were once Manicheans[8].

Christian community of Irinjalakkuda

The Christian community of Irinjalakkuda belong to the ancient Christian community of 'Kodungallur'. Due to political disturbances in 'Kodungallur' during 1523-24[9], Christians migrated to nearby places. There is an ancient Christian church at 'Mapranam' near 'Irinjalakkuda' dedicated to 'Mar Sliva'- Holy Cross.

The Eparchy of 'Irinjalakkuada' is part of the Syro Malabar Major Archi episcopal Church within the province of the Arch eparchy of Trichur. Within the religio cultural politics of Thomas Christians of Kerala during the 16th to 19th centuries, the Christian community of 'Irinjalakkuda' and the Eparchy of 'Irinjalakkuda' were part of the  'Pazhayacoor' community of Syriac Christians who remained loyal to the communion with the Universal Catholic Church effected through the Patriarchate of Chaldeans since AD 1552.

During the advent of the colonial Portuguese missionaries, the Saint Thomas Christians were in friendship with them in the initial period. However, due to the heavy handedness of the Portuguese missionaries and attempts at Latinisation, the entire Saint Thomas Christian community in Kerala revolted against the missionaries through the great 'Coonan Cross oath'[10]. Due to the intervention of Rome, Carmelite Missionaries were sent to pacify the situation and majority of the Thomas Christians returned to the Roman communion due to the following reasons.  

The East Syriac Church always accepted the primacy of the Bishop of Rome even when there was no explicit communion[11]. There were several Patriarchs who sent formal letters of communion with the Pope of Rome[12]. One of the famous among them is the visit of 'Ramban Sauma', the then Patriarchal visitor who travelled to Rome to meet with the Pope in 1287.  'Ramban Sauma' was received by the 12 member Cardinals. There was a  formal communion. The Pope allowed 'Ramban Sauma' to celebrate Holy Qurbana in Vatican in the Syriac language.The Pope send  a golden crown, a red embroidered vestment and a ring to Patriarch Jaballaha III with a letter of authorisation as Patriarch of all over the Orientals and made 'Rabban Bar Sauma' as the Papal visitator in 1288[13]. Since 1552, beginning with the Chaldean schism inside the Church of the East, a section lead by Patriarch Yohannan Sulakha came into full communion with the Pope of Rome and there was a continuous line of Bishops sent to Malabar from the Patriarchate of the Chaldeans approved by the Pope of Rome. Since the Synod of Diamper in AD 1599, the whole of Saint Thomas Christian community were in full communion with the Pope of Rome.  

Moreover, the revolting Archdeacon did not have  a canonically legitimate Bishopric consecration while the group that returned to Roman communion had a native Thomas Christian Mar Parambil Chandy as a Bishop with canonically legitimate Bishopric consecration. This led to the majority of Thomas Christians returning to the communion with the Pope of Rome[14].

Paulose Pandari, Mar Rokos, Mar Melus and the Chaldeans of Trichur

The Pazhayacoor group were adherent to the Christian principles of obedience and submission to their legitimate spiritual superiors. This led them to fall into the trap of the spirituo-colonial obedience and submissive stewardship of the Roman Catholic missionaries. The heavy handed attitude of the missionaries were intolerable and it led to the community seeking to get reconnected to the  Babylonian Patriarchate of the Chaldeans. Several delegates were sent to the Patriarchate that resulted in consecrating a native Thomas Christian as a Bishop in 1798- 'Paulose Pandary' as Mar Abraham[15] and sending Patriarchal visitors to Malabar- Mar Thomas Rokos in 1861  and Mar Elia Melus in 1874[16]. These two Patriarchal visitors and their activities resulted in a minor division among the 'Pazhayacoor' which resulted in a group of the followers of Mar Melus joining the non Catholic Church of the East.

Saint Thomas Cathedral of Irinjalakkuda

The Saint Thomas' Cathedral at Irinjalakkuda was formerly the Saint George's church founded in AD 1845 by the migration of Christians from Mapranam, Kalparambu, Veleyanad and nearby places. During the time of 'Mellusian' influence, a majority joined  the Melus party. Some of whom later became the Church of the East in India also called Chaldeans of Trichur. During that time, those 'Pazhayacoor' Syriac Christians in allegiance with the Pope of Rome built another church in 1880 in the name of 'Marth Maryam'. Later, the 'Mellusians' returned to the 'Pazhayacoor' community and both churches became Catholic churches side by side.

When the eparchy of Irinjalakkuda was formed in AD 1978, both the parishes were amalgamated and Saint George's Church was renamed as Saint Thomas' Cathedral.

On the occasion of  the Silver Jubilee of the Eparchy of Irinjalakkuda, renovation works were carried out at the Cathedral church and as part of it , a granite bas relief 'sliva' was made and installed in the church in 2003. Rev Fr Jose Irimpan was the Cathedral Vicar during that period. Fr Irimpan commented that he was aware of the disputes about these crosses but did not consider the disputes as  relevant. Hence he considered installing such a cross in the renovated cathedral. He found this design of cross in a book and commissioned a stone smith at 'Kurukkanpara' near Trichur to make one and installed it in the church[17]. 

There is no surprise to see this cross installed in the cathedral at Irinjalakkuda as it is very appropriate. The opposition and disputes about these crosses were not from the ordinary faithful or clergy but from certain groups with vested interest inside the Church. The Syro Malabar faithful in Trichur area, being the descendants of the Christians of the ancient Christian centres of Kodungallur and Palayur would be more adherent to the East Syriac spirituality and traditions. They even today celebrate the feast of Denha as 'Pindikuthy perunnaal' with lamps lighted on a plantain bark- pindi. Singing the syriac chant 'El payya- God is Light' was traditionaly associated with this celebration.

Irinjalakkuda Sliva

The basic structure of this  sliva is similar to the most famous among the genre of Pahlavi inscribed crosses of south Asia, 'the Mount Cross'- the sliva adorned in the main altar of the Saint Thomas Mount church at 'Mailappore'. The 'Irinjalakkuda sliva' has a few unique features. It is more complex and elaborate in its artwork.

This 'sliva' looks very  fine in the art work and finish, like a modern make. The granite tablet was made into a niche with two pillars and  an arch with beautiful floral pattern on the base and above the arch. There are a series of flowery pattern engraved over the arch as a band in between two lines. There are floral designs seen on the base also, in 5 square pattern and 4 circles in between with leaf design on both ends. These circular and rectangular shaped 'end on' view floral design is a common theme on the pedestals of most of the open -air rock crosses found in front of the ancient Saint Thomas Christian Churches. The plaster art seen on the walls and facades of some of the ancient Nasrani churches also shows the same pattern. Above the band of floral design on the top of the arch, a plain cross is engraved in the centre with symmetrical leaf petal design on both sides.

Within the niche, the Pahlavi inscribed cross design has been carved. There are again two pillars and a round arch within the niche on either sides of the cross. with Pahlavi inscriptions outside the pillars and arch. On the top of the pillars, as seen on the mount cross, we can identify  the aquatic creature- 'makara'  as seen in the Mount Cross. The arch is three layered with segmentation on the middle layer. The cross has longer lower arm with three buds on all four ends. There is upward directed curved flowery design in three layers surrounded with a linear leaf petal design towards the outer side. Below this, there is downward directed curved pattern with inner layer as plain raised edge and outer two layers appear segmented like linear leaf petal design.

Within this downward directed curved floral pattern, there is an inverted arrow or spear like structure with curved top with indentations. The spear  penetrates into the base design which is a symmetrical rectangular structure with curled vine design on it.

Unlike most Pahlavi inscribed slivas, the three steps on the base of the cross is not present here. The dove is very well designed with two wings and a tail with the feathers clearly seen. On either sides of the dove, there is another inverted floral design.

The Pahlavi inscriptions seem to be the copy of the rest of the crosses. As we already know, the inscriptions on these crosses are unintelligent copies of an original. Since this inscription is a modern make, there is not much epigraphic value in it.

East Syriac theology behind the sliva

'Prabho Mihindukulasuriya' of the Colombo Theological seminary has commented that the Pahlavi inscribed crosses of Sri Lanka and  South India bear three important stylistic elements that characterise East Syriac or Nestorian crosses. They are the leaved elements emerging from the base of the cross, the pearl like element on the ends of the four arms and the three-stepped pedestal[18].

Leaved elements on Crosses, the Tree of Life.

The leaf like design seen on the base of the cross and the sides of the dove and on the top of the slab are quite similar to the  East Syriac Christian iconographic style. K Parry comments that leaved crosses- plain crosses with flared arms with two large leaves raising either side of the base is seen in both East Syriac Christianity and in the Byzantine Christianity.[19]  Armenian Khatchkar, the religio cultural symbol of the ancient Christianity of Armenia, are stone crosses widely seen in Armenia with a plain cross emerging from two leaf like structures on either side. Archaeological studies  of crosses found at  'Ain Shaia' in Iraq, 'Al Qusur' on the island of 'Failaka' of the sixth century and island of 'Kharg' of the sixth century demonstrate that the leaved cross design is common among the East Syriac Christians.[20]

The cross emerging from the leaves on either side symbolises the Tree of Life. For the Syriac fathers, the tree of life symbolises Christ and the Cross[21]. In the Syriac language, the term 'Sliva' denotes 'the Cross', also has a meaning 'the one who is crucified'. The word sliva originates from the root 'slb' which means to crucify. Sliva means the object that is used to crucify and also the one who is crucified. Thus sliva means Christ.

In 'Mapranam', near 'Irinjalakkuda', there is an ancient church in the name of Mar Sliva. The devoteees traditionally call the Sliva as 'Sliva Muthappan'- personifying the cross into a person rather than an object. Here, 'Sliva Muthappan' is Christ himself[22]. This is agreeing with the East Syriac tradition of placing the 'Sliva' in the Madbha as body of Christ and the 'Word'  as the soul of Christ[23]. 

Gregory of Nazianzen wrote 'Jesus himself is the tree of life, in the same theme of the burial of Jesus it is appropriate to speak of his Person being planted in the earth than the Cross'[24] St Cyril of Jerusalem depicts the Cross as the tree that overcome the sin that came through a tree.[25]

The Irinjalakkuda sliva is adorned with plenty of artwork of leafy pattern above the arch. Many of the leafy pattern is of a  bipetal arrangement.

The Pearl ended arms

The pearl arrangement at the ends of the four arms is also a theme in Syriac devotional literature and iconography. The pearl is a famous theme in Syriac poetry, the Hymn of the Pearl mentioned  in the apocryphal Acts of Thomas depicts partaking in the kingdom of God[26].

In Hymns of the Pearl, Ephraim the Syrian, the great Syriac father and the Harp of the Holy Spirit  highlights the Pearl as salvation.[27]  Crosses with expanding and bifurcating arms terminating in one or three pearls are very common on Christian seals of the Sassanian period. Such crosses are found in stucco crosses and other Christian artefacts in the Far East also. K Parry comments that these crosses ending in pearls are more representatives of the Church of the East than the leaved crosses[28].

Spear replacing the three steps

An important feature of the Irinjalakkuda sliva is the absence of the three steps. The three -steps are replaced with an inverted spear penetrating a rectangular base which is decorated with vine design. This could be the depiction of resurrection. The spear head opening the tomb and the risen Christ stands over it triumphantly depicting the victory over death.

Iconographic and theological development

Overall, the Irinjalakkuda sliva depicts the development of the theology of worship and iconography from simple 'lotus cross and dove' design  to a more complex and elaborate design. As it is a modern design from a book and no local progressive development,  it cannot be considered as a native development of theology or iconography but an adoption from elsewhere. We can observe some initial progressive development of these crosses from the Alengad Sliva to the Mount Cross at Mailappore. Alengad Sliva shows the leafy arrangement similar to that of Mesopotamia which developed into more or less like a lotus shape in the Mount Cross. The lotus is more well defined in similar crosses of Far East. The  pearl at the end of the arms also shows development into a well defined tri petal arrangement like a bud.

The descending dove is an addition from the famous Armenian Khatchkar crosses which are only leaved crosses. This is a theological development in iconography, new life of the church in the Holy Spirit[29]. Descending dove onto a cross has been seen in many ancient Christian artefacts. The sacrophagus of Archbishop Theodore who died in 691 at Ravenna, the apse mosaic of the basilica of Saint John Lateran in Rome [30] and a Syrian marble slab of the sixth or seventh centuries[31] are some examples.

Indian religio cultural influence.

When we move from the western coast to the eastern coast of South India, we can see the adoption of more of Indian inculturation in the development of the Sliva specifically with regard to the arch, pillars and  the lotus. The arch is pointed in the Alenagd sliva which becomes a rounded 'torana' on the Mount cross. The round arch is common in Hindu and Budhist art. The arch springs from an aquatic object makara. Makara torana is also seen in Kailasanatha temple of Ellora, seventh century rock temples in Mahabalipuram and at the Vaikuntha Perumal and the eighth century Kailasanatha temples at Kanchipuram[32]. There are many ancient south Indian sculptures from Hindu temples displayed in the British Museum in London  displaying the round arch. This shows the adoption of local culture in the development of iconography of  these Pahlavi inscribed granite crosses of South India. The Saint Thomas Cross is an early, perhaps the earliest example of inculturated Christian art in India.[33]

Conclusion

Saint Thomas Crosses are the only developed icons of worship found among Saint Thomas Christians. According to the early Portuguese writers, the ancient Churches of the Saint Thomas Christians were adorned with only these crosses.

All the so called disputes about this sliva in the 1980s and 1990s came out of the involvement of certain vested interests and  hatemongering groups within the Syro Malabar Church who created anarchy, indiscipline and hatred that hampered the development of the Church. This cross itself is a proof of the evolution of a definite theological development in the church which could have lead to a locally developed liturgical rite. These crosses are an expression of our faith and worship. Theology develops from worship. Icons of worship develop from the faith experience of the community. Iconographic studies are important in studying about worship and the theology of the Church.

Studying about these crosses will definitely lead us to more understanding of our faith and worship and theological development. Ignoring the iconography and theology of  these crosses would be detrimental to the study and development of theology of the Saint Thomas Christians of Malabar. The Theologians and Liturgists of the Syro Malabar Church should focus on studying these Pahlavi inscribed bas relief crosses and inscriptions which could pave way to the development of a local liturgical theology, as a section in the Church is pushing for writing a new anaphora for the Syro Malabar Church. Liturgical theology cannot develop instantaneously on its own as evolution of Liturgy is a progressive development imbibing the local traditions of worship and culture. Any development of Liturgy or Anaphora without considering these crosses are like implanting a new theology to the Church against a natural and progressive theological development.

Credits.

Thanks to Mr Mathew Mailapprampil for reviewing the paper thoroughly and for opinions, comments  and language corrections.

---

[1] Alengatte Purathana Thoma sleeha Kurish (Malayalam) Ernakulam Missam, February 1930, pp 78-79. This ancient Pahlavi inscribed granite sliva found near Alengad Church. This was found on the basement of an open air rock cross at the junction near the church.

[2] M T Antony, Alengad Sliva: The neglected jewel of the ancient Christian settlement in Alengad and the most ancient Christian artefact of Malabar, South India, The Harp, Vol XXX, 2016, p267-316.

[3] C P T Winkworth, A new interpretation of the Pahlavi  Cross inscription of South India, The Journal of Theological Studies, April 1929.pp237-243.

[4] Arthur Coke Burnell was an English Sanskrit scholar born in Gloucester in 1870. His father was an official in the East India Company and he moved to Madras in 1860 as a member of the Indian Civil Service. He acquired and presented a collection of 350 Sanskrit manuscripts to the India library in 1870. In 1874, he published 'A handbook of South Indian Paleography'. He wrote articles about the Pahlavi inscriptions on the Mailappore Cross in Indian Antiquary in 1874

[5] A C Burnell, Pehlevi inscriptions, The Academy Vol IV, No 74, June 14, 1873, pp237-238.

[6] A C Burnell, Earliest Christian Missions in South India, in Correspondence and Miscellanea  as a reply to Rev, 18 May 1875, in Indian Antiquary, vol IV, 1875

[7] Richard Collins, Malabar Christians, in Correspondence and Miscellanea, 23 June 1875 Indian Antiquary Vol IV 1875

[8] Burnell connected these Crosses to Persia and assumed that as Christianity was vogue in Persia and Manicheans were popular, it could belong to a group of Christians who were once Manicheans., as the inscription on the Cross was Christian in its content.

[9] Jacob Kollaparambil, The Persian Crosses of India are Christian, not Manichaen, Christian Orient,  vol XVMarch 1994 citing A M Mundadan, The Arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob, (Bangalore, 1967), PP 99-100

A M Mundadan, History of Christianity in India Vol 1, Church History Association of India, Bangalore, 2001p 302. The Samuthiry and the Muslim army attached Cranganore and burnt the Saint Thomas Christian Churches in AD 1523-24. Christians escaped Kodungallur to nearby places.

[10] Joseph Thekkedath, History of Christianity in India Vol II, Church History Association of India Bangalore, 2001, pp 91-94. The community had sent several letters to Eastern Patriarchs to send a Bishop to Malabar. As a response, one Mar Ahathalla arrived in Mailappore in AD 1652. Two deacons who were in Mailappore on pilgrimage brought this information with a letter from Mar Ahathalla to Kerala in which he stated that he was a Patriarch sent by the Pope. Mar Ahathalla was taken by the Portuguese for inquisition. Archdeacon Thomas organised a meeting of the community at Udayamperoor and requested Archbishop Garcia to take Mar Ahathalla to Malabar. Archbishop Garcia responded that even if Mar Ahathalla was sent by the Pope, Ahathalla did not have the authority from the King of Portugal(Padruado) and hence could not be released. Mar Ahathalla was taken to Goa. In their anger and disappointment of having a Syriac rite Bishop, they took a public oath at Mattancherry on 03 January 1653, stating that they rejected Archbishop Garcia and the Jesuites who disobeyed the Pope and removed their Patriarch sent by the Pope from them. They took this oath by tying a rope to a cross in front of the Church of Our Lady at Mattancherry and  the cross bent as people pulled the rope. Hence, this oath was called the Coonan Cross oath- the bent cross oath.

[11] Rev Dr Placid Podipara, The Church of Selucia and its Catholic Communion, in Collected Works of Rev Dr Placid J Podipara, C M I, vol I Ed. Fr Thomas Kalayil C MI, San Jos Publications, Mannanam, Kottayam, 2007, pp 66-133.. Church of Selucia declared independence from Church of Antioch by the Synod of Markabta in AD 424 by declaring the title of the Metropolitan of Selucia as Catholicose -Patriarch and the second Peter and decided that there should not be any appeals to the Western Fathers. This means only that the Catholicose Patriarch will do all the matters like resolution  of disputes etc that were done by the Western Fathers. According to Rev Dr Placid Podipara, this was only an evolution and organisation of an ecclesiastical assembly. By stating that the Catholicose is second Peter, the Church remained in the Catholic communion by accepting the primacy of Peter. The then Universal Church anathemised Nestorius in the Synod of Ephesus in which the Church of Seleucia did not take part probably due to political reasons. Due to this, the Church of Seleucia was  accused by the later Historians as Nestorians. Later, the Universal Church by the Synod of Chalcedon, accepted the so called Nestorian principles by vehement denial of the Monophytism. Patriarch Timothy I in AD 778 wrote 'If because of the Apostle Peter the first and the Chief rank is preserved to Rome, how much more to Selucia and Ctesiphon   because of the Lord Peter' attesting the Primacy of Peter and  Rome. Another Bishop David contemporary of Patriarch Timothy I praises Rome  "..... glorius Rome  where Peter and Paul are placed as pillars where are the ornament of princess and the stole of those of the household of Abraham..."  in the book 'Mensura Climatum et Variationes Dierum ac Noctium'. Bishop Elias Damascenus of the Churchof the East in AD 893 wrote " have ordered and said let there be in the whole world of four Patriarchs, and more, as four Evangelists.. and let him be the Superior who is Rome...", " The first Patriarch is the Patriarch of Rome  who has so much honour  and eminence  over all the Patriarchs...". Abdallaha Benattubus, a famous canonist of East Syriac Church in  the 11th century  wrote "like the number of four parts of the globe, the Patriarchs are to be four and their Chief , the Patriarch of Rome as the Appostles have ordained."

[12] Rev Dr Placid Podipara, opus cit. pp 136-150.Since the time of Crusades, there was communications between various Popes and East Syriac church. Pope Innocent IV sent Dominican Friars to the Nestorian and Jacobite Patriarchs. The Nestorians gladly entered into communion with the Roman Patriarch. Patriarch Jaballaha II in 1233 professed Catholic faith according to the writings of Guriel. Patriarch Sabriso in AD 1247 had closer relations with the Pope Innocent IV. Pope sent a letter to Sabriso V according to Giamil. Patriarch's vicar Rabban Ara, representing the whole Selucian church submitted a letter to Pope  along with a letter from Chinese Christians  and Metropolitan  Isoyahb of Nisbis and two other Archbishops and three Bishops. This was a formal letter from the Hierarchy of the East Syriac Church. Patriarch Jaballaha III (Monk Markose) sent  Rabban Bar Sauma as his visitator to Rome in 1287.Pope Nicholas IV allowed Rabban Bar Sauma to celebrate Holy Qurbana in Syriac at Rome and on the Palm Sunday, Bar Sauma received Holy Communion from the Pope.

[13] James  A Montgomery, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch and his vicar Bar Sauma.

[14] It is very interesting to note that prominent Syriac Orthodox churches like Manarcadu, Piravom, Kottayam  Valiyapalli etc were with Bishop Chandy Parampil in the initial period while the Marth Maryam Basilica at Champakulam was with the Archdeacon.

[15] Rev Dr James Puliyurumpil, History of Syro Malabar Church, OIRSI NO 382, pp265-67.Pandary Seesma, (Malayalam) OIRSI Publications,  no 279, p 67.

[16] Cherian Varicatt, The Suriyani Church of India, her quest for autochthonous Bishops (1877-1896), OIRSI no 175 pp6-7 and 14-16

[17] Personal communication with Rev. Dr Irimpan.

[18] Prabho Mihindukulasuriya, Persian Christians of the Anuradhapura Period, in A Cultured faith: Essays in honour of Professor G P V Somaratna on His Seventieth Birthday, Colombo, Sri Lanka, Colombo Theological Seminary, 2011.

[19] K Parry, Images in the Church of the East: The evidence from Central Asia and China, p145, Bulletin of John Rylands University Library, Manchester, 1996

[20] K Parry, opus cit p 146

[21] Mar Aprem wrote that the wood will resemble the cross through the various use of it. It carries on the sea, it guides on the land, it multiplies itself in its advantages and becomes rish in its assistance.

[22] In many places in Kerala where churches are devoted to Mar Sliva, devotees call the sliva  'kuriyachan' in the meaning 'kurish achan' personifying the Cross as a person. This must be the continuation of ancient usage in Syriac tradition. 

[23] Charles Pyngott CMI, The Cross, its place in the Hudra and its sign in Baptism and Eucharist, Doctoral Dissertation submitted to Pontifical Oriental  Institute , Rome, 1971, directed by  Rev Alphons Raes S J, pp 40-41

[24] Gregory of Nazianzen, Oratio XXIX Theologica tertia, Patrologia Greeca, J P  Migne, Paris,36, col 101 cited by Joseph Vazhuthannappally, Archeology of Mar Sliba, OIRSI No 139, p33

[25] Joseph Vazhuthannappalli, Archaeology of Mar Sliba. OIRSI No 139,p 32

[26] A F J Klijn, The so called Hymn of the Pearl, Acts of Thomas Ch 108-113, Vigilie Christiane, vol 14 No 3, sep 1960, pp 154-64

[27] Kathleen E McVey, Ephraim the Syrian, in the Early Christian World Vol II, Ed. Philip Francis Esler, Routledge,  p 449

[28] K Parry, opus cit p 146

[29] Dove and Cross, Indian Church history review, IV.1 June 1970, pp 3-4 cited by Eckehard Bickelmann, The Saint Thomas Cross: An early example of the inculturation of Christian art in India, Indian Church History review, p 66.

[30] John Butler, Further thoughts on the South Indian Crosses, Indian Church History Review,   IV No 2 1970, p 73-74

[31] Eckehard Bickelmann, The saint Thomas Cross: An early example of the inculturation of Christian art in India, Indian Church History review , 25/1 June 1991, p 66.

[32] Eckehard Bickelmann, opus cit,p 64

[33] Eckehard Bickelmann, opus cit,  p 64.