1.Introduction.
Alengad Sliva[1] is an ancient Persian Cross discovered in
Kerala in 1931. It is a granite plain bas relief Cross with Pahlavi
inscriptions. There are a number of plain Crosses of similar design with three bud like
arrangements at the ends of the arms with a floral design on the base and a
descending dove on the top. This family of plain Crosses are called Persian
Crosses, on account of the inscriptions in Pahlavi, a middle Persian language.
These Crosses denote the strong connection of the Christians of Malabar coast
with the Christianity in Persian Empire- the Church of the East and a definite
Pahlavi phase of the East Syrian Christianity of Malabar.
Alengad is a village
in Ernakulam District in the South Indian State of Kerala, 7 km from Aluva and
19 km from Kodungalloor . Saint Mary's Church at Alengad is an ancient church established
in the 14th century AD dedicated to Saint Mary, the Mother of the Lord Isho
Misiha.[2] In
ancient accounts, Alengad was called Mangate.[3]
Alengad Cross was discovered by Rev. Fr. Joseph C Panjikaren in 1931 found lying on the wayside unrecognised. (20 January 1931) This was thought as a milestone. This Cross was then placed in a wayside shrine near the Church at Alengad.
Discovery of the Alengad Sliva
Alangad in the Nasrani History
Alengad is the birthplace
of Mar Joseph Kariattil who was consecrated as the Archbishop of Kodungallur (Cranganore)
in 1783
A D for the Catholics of the Syro Chaldean rite in Malabar but who died
in Goa in dubious circumstances before
arriving in his See in Kerala.[4] It
was in Alengad, the Archdeacon[5] Thomas Parambil was "consecrated"
by 12 Cathanaars[6] as the Bishop for Saint Thomas Christians -Mar
Thoma I, after the famous Alengad yogam[7]-
the Synod of the Saint Thomas Christians- the Catholics of the Syro Chaldean
rite in Malabar. This event, along with the Coonan Cross oath, was a Great
revolt against the Portuguese Colonial Missionary enterprise in India, mark a
milestone in the history of Saint Thomas Christians of Malabar. (This could be
the very first rebellion against the European Colonial powers from native
Indians.) Even though canonically this
act was not correct, it showed the great courage and self esteem of the Saint
Thomas Christians of Malabar. In 1598 AD,
having no ecclesiastical authority over the Church of Saint Thomas Christians, the
Portuguese Archbishop Alexis Dom Menezis of Goa, visited Alengad, as part of
his visitation to most of the Saint Thomas Christian Churches in Malabar, in a
bid to take over the community under the
Portuguese Padruado rule. In 1701, Mar Anjelos Francis was consecrated as a
Bishop for Saint Thomas Christians by a Chaldean Bishop Mar Simon at Alengad,
as the rest of the Roman Catholic Padruado Bishops refused to consecrate him,
even when Mar Anjelus Francis was appointed by the Pope[8].
2.Historical accounts about Alengad.
Bernard Thomas
Alengad Church and the
Christian settlement are mentioned in many ancient historical accounts. Rev. Fr.
Bernard of Saint Thomas has written that
Alengad church was founded in the 14th century AD with the support of the King
of Alengad. The Ruler of Alengad had donated land and property to the Church. The
King has set aside 60 para nilam- about 6 acres of land- for the expenses of
the lighting of lamps in the church. There was another property donated by the
King called 'thalakoothu nilam' (Property
for Head ailments) which was given to the Church as a thanks giving by the King
when the Queen suffered severe head ache
which was cured after prayers in the Church.[9]
Antonio De Gouvea.
Antonio De Gouvea has
written about Alengad in connection with the visit of Archbishop Alexis Dom
Menesis. Gouvea described Alengadu was a big settlement of Christians. He
visited Alengad Church during the time of a fierce war between Alengad and
Parur. The Archbishop consoled the Christians in the Church and taught about
the Roman Church and that the Roman
Pontiff was the Head of the Church in the world and the Vicar of Jesus Christ.[10]
Raulini Johannus Facundus Raulin and Paulinos
De Bartholomew
Raulini Johannus
Facundus Raulin in 1740 AD and Paulinus De Bartholomeo in 1790 AD mentions about the Saint Mary's Church at
Alengad and also about the Jesuit and Carmelite houses there.[11]
Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil -Duperron
In 1750 AD, French
Orientalist Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil -Duperron visited Alengad. He calls the church at Alengad as the most
beautiful church in Malabar. He also mentions of an altar dedicated to the
exaltation of Holy Cross on the top of a nearby hillock.[12]
3. Pahlavi inscribed granite Crosses of South
India.
The first Pahlavi
inscribed granite Cross was found by Portuguese Missionaries in the ruins of the
ancient Church at Mailappur in 1547 AD. This was not a surprise at that time as
there were several of this kind of
Crosses in Malabar as witnessed by Joseph the Indian[13], Antonio
Gouvea[14]
and Duarte Barbosa[15].
In AD 1873, the inscriptions found on these Crosses caught attention of A C
Burnell and he discovered that these were Pahlavi inscriptions. This lead interest in the two Pahlavi
inscribed Crosses of Kottayam Valiyapalli during that time. The rest of the
Pahlavi inscribed Crosses had disappeared by this time. The research about
these inscriptions lead to discovery of more Crosses in the region- one in the
St George's Church at Kadamattom in 1923 AD[16],
another at Ruha D Kudisha Church at
Muttuchira in 1925 AD[17]
and in 1987 AD at Gervasis and Proctasis
Church Kothanallur, Kottayam[18].
In 2001 AD, another Pahlavi Cross was
found in Goa in Agassim[19].
Crosses of Saint Thomas the Apostle- The
Miraculous Sliva of Kodungallur.
These Crosses were
called by the local Saint Thomas Christians as Saint Thomas' Crosses as
recorded by the early Portuguese writers in the sixteenth century.[20]
The local Christians had an oral tradition that the Apostle Thomas arrived in
Kodungallur and erected Churches there and installed a Cross there. This could
be only an oral tradition based on the retrojection of the practice of veneration
of Crosses in the post Apostolic period. This famous Cross was called
miraculous Cross because it had played several miracles to the Christians and
the gentiles as well. The local Kings had a great veneration to this cross and
they sent oil to be lighted in front of the Cross. Antonio Gouvea has narrated
that a Cross was placed in a wayside chapel with only one side open with
railings and Archbishop Alexis Dom Menesis celebrated a solemn Mass in front of
this Cross. From this we can assume that this Cross was placed in the altar of
that chapel. Gouvea also describes a miraculous visual allusion while the
Archbishop celebrated the Holy Mass[21].
This famous Cross is not seen today. B T Anklesaria comments that the Cross
found at Alengad was taken from Kodungallur (Crangannore) without specifying
any source for the formation.[22]
4 The Burnt Sliva of Alengad
During the visits of
the Archbishop Menesis at Alengad, Gouvea
narrates that there was a small chapel dedicated to the Holy Cross on a nearby hillock. Alengad was called Mangate at that
time. Du Perron also mentions about the an altar dedicated to the exaltation of
Holy Cross on the top of a nearby hill.[23]
Gouvea describes about
burning the Christian settlements in Alengad
by the suicide squads of the Kingdom of Parur. They burned the settlements,
but the fire stopped at a Cross placed on the road made of sticks, (could be
bamboo) with small crosses made of coconut leaf fronds hanging from its arms.
This site was visited by the King of Mangate on the next day and acclaimed that
the God of the Christians did not want that the fire should touch its sign.
Gouvea also narrates a miracle of another Cross placed in the altar on the top
of a nearby hill where the Cross and the altar that was made of stick- probably
bamboo sticks-which survived when the whole chapel and roof burnt down.[24] We can assume that the whole Church was made
of bamboo sticks probably plastered with clay and cow dung in that time period.
Here, the Cross was placed in the altar that was also made of bamboo.
Miraculously, the altar with the Cross was preserved while the rest of the
Church was burnt down. Most probably, this Cross that was placed in the altar
was the Alengad Sliva.
We have witnesses of
Gouvea[25],
and also of Du Perron[26]
commenting about the shrine on the top of a nearby hill in Alengad dedicated to the Holy Cross. On close
inspection, we can see marks of burning and charring on the lower third of the
Alengad Sliva. Anklesaria clearly mentions about the crack formed on the Cross.[27]
This is also seen even today at the marks of charring. Now, we can assume that
this crack and charring are evidence of this Cross being burnt in a fire.
Therefore, Alengad Sliva could be the Sliva kept in the altar of a small shrine
in Alengad dedicated to Holy Cross.
We have many ancient
Churches dedicated to Mar Sliva such as Mapranam (AD 928)[28],
Alleppey, Chennamangalam,[29] Cherpunkal[30] Manjapra[31], Purakkad[32] and
so on. We have examples of ancient churches with similar Crosses placed in the altar as recorded as in Muttuchira[33],
Quilon[34] and Kumari Muttom[35].
So, we have to assume that this Shrine dedicated to Holy Cross on the top of a
nearby hillock of Alengad could be a very ancient shrine, rather older than the
Alengad Church.
5. Pahlavi Inscriptions on these Crosses.
The Pahlavi inscriptions on these Crosses have been studied by many experts. A
C Burnell (1873), Dr Martin Haug (1874), Prof Baron De Harlez (1892)and Dr E W
West (1986) and Dastur Darab Peshotan Sanjana (1914) deciphered and translated
the inscriptions by studying the Mailppore Cross and the two Kottayam Crosses.
Later, Dr. J J Modi wrote in 1924 about these inscriptions, after studying
about the Cross at Kadamattom and in 1926, after studying about Muttuchira
Cross also.
Readings of different scholars.[36]
For ease for
understanding and comparison, I have put the reading of Pahlavi inscription
word by word with number for
identification and the translation after that. I could not get the word by word
reading of Dr Martin Haug. Dr E W West has reviewed his own reading later and
gave a new reading in 1896. The reading of Baron De Harlez and the translation
was given in French language. I have translated it to English language using
Google translate. Dastur Darab P Sanjana gave four readings and translations.
A C Burnell.(AD 1878)
1 min amn 2 mshiha 3 af alha-f 4 mdm 6 af
rshd-i 7 aj 8 asar bukht 9 yin rijya 10
mn 11 vu drd i 12 dnmn ( The
numbers denote the number of word)
( In punishment (?) by
the cross (was) the suffering of this one: (He) who (is) the true Christ and the God above , and guide
ever pure.)
Dr Martin Haug (AD 1874 )
(Who believes in the
Messiah and God above and in the Holy
Ghost is redeemed through the grace of
him who bore the cross.)
Dr E W West (AD 1874)
1 mun amen 2 meshikha-i 3 avaksha-i 4 madam 6
afras 7 aj 8 khar bukht 9 sulda i 10 min 11van va dard i 12 denmau
(What freed the true Messiah, the forgiving, the upraising from
hardship ? The crucifixion from the true, and the anguish of this.
Dr. E W West (amendment of reading in AD 1896)
(He) whom the suffering of the self same Messiah,
the forgiving and upraising , (has) saved, (is) offering the plea whose origin (was) the agony of
this.
Baron De Harlez (AD
1892)
1 mun amen 2mesiha i 3 avakhsha i 5 madam 6
afras 7 aj 8 asar bokht 9 yin razya 10 min 11 van dart i 12 denman
French language- Celui qui (est) le vrai Messie le reconciliateur, le
ressuscitant a jamais, purifie (sanctifie) par la vertu (provenant) du crucifiement de lui (ou, du
crucifiement celui-ci, ce qu’on voit ici)
English
translation-One who (is) the true Messiah the
Reconciler, raising him ever
purifies (sanctified) by virtue (from) the
crucifixion of him (or of the crucifixion it,
what we see here)
Sanjana (AD 1914- 4 readings)
9 Rish-razya 10 min 11 van dard 12 dena 1 mun
hemn 2 meshiha 3 apakhsha i 3 madam 6 afras 7 i 8 Chahar-bukht
9 Rish-razya 10 min 11 van dard 12 dena 1 mun
hemn 2 Meshiha 3 apakhsha i 5 madam 6 Aprahim 7 i 8 Chahar-bukht
1 Mun hemn 2 Meshiha 3 apakhsha i 4 madam 5 afraji 7 i 8 chahar bokht 9 rish razya 10
min 11 van dard 12 dena
9 Rasul-ish Yeh 10 min 11 van dard 12 dena
Such (was) the
affliction (dard) of the wounding and spearing (rish- razya) of him on the
Cross (min van), who (was)
faithful (hemn) Meshiha, a forgiver, of superior dignity the descendant of
Chahar -bukht
This (was) the
affliction (dard) of the
spearing and wounding of him on (min)
the cross who (was) the faithful
Mishiha , the merciful one, the descendant
of the Great Abrahim, (who was)
the descendant of Chahar- bokkt
He of whom the
faithful Meshiha (was) a forgiver, (was)
highly exalted; he (was) redeemed from
the four (regions of hell) ; this (was
due to) the affliction of the spearing and wounding (of Meshiha)on the cross.
This (was) the
affliction on the cross even of the messenger of Jehovah
Dr J J Modi (AD1923-1926)
9 Li zibah vai 10 min 11 Ninav val 12 denman 1
Napisht 2 Mar Shapur 3 Li (mun) ahrob 5 Mashiah6 avakhshah 7 i min 8 khar bokht
I, a beautiful bird
from Nineveh, (have come) to this (country) Written by Mar Shapur. Holy
Messiah, the forgiver, freed me from thorn( affliction)
C P T Winkworth.
C P T Winkworth
published a detailed study about all these inscriptions in 1929.[37]
Winkworth studied about all these
Crosses except Alengad and Goa. He also consulted with Dr Ernest Herzfeld who was well known
for his extensive work in Persia.[38]
Winkworth proposed that all these inscriptions are copies of an original, based
on the finding that a few letters are upside down and a word as mirror image,
raising the possibility that the copiers used series of rubbings or estampages
to cut the new inscription where, the reverse side of the rubbing was used to
produce the mirror image of a word and rubbing put on wrong way to create the
upside down letters. He proposed that the smaller Kottayam Cross was the model
for Kadamattam Cross, even the Mailappore Cross could be a copy of the smaller
Kottayam Cross based on the calligraphic appearances. This theory was generally
accepted in the Seventeenth International Congress of Orientalists in Oxford,
1928.[39]
Interpretations of
Winkworth.
'My Lord Christ, have mercy upon Afras, son of
Chaharbukht, the Syrian who cut this'.[40]
The revised
interpretation by Winkworth 1930.[41]
'My Lord Christ, have
mercy upon Afras, son of Chaharbukht, the syrian who preserved this.'
'My Lord Christ, have
mercy upon Afras, son of Chaharbukht who put it around.'
Recent Interpretations.
W B Henning. 1958
MRH-mn msyh ph s d QDM Y ch rbwt T Gywrgys MNW
wn rt ZNH
Our Lord Jesus Christ,
have mercy about son of Chaharbuxt, son of George who erects this.[42]
Gerd Gropp 1970
May our Lord the
Messiah have mercy on Gabriel, son of Chaharbokht, grandson of Durzad who made
this (Cross).[43]
Philippe Gignoux. 1995
May our Lord the
Messiah have mercy upon Sabriso, son of Chaharboxt the deft, who sculpted this (Cross).[44]
Carlo G Cereti, Luca M Oliviery, Fr Joseph
Vazhuthanapalli-(CICAR-CASI)2002
MR Hmm msyh phs d QDM spys Y ch rbwht
Y swlzydy MNW bw(y)lt ZNE
Our Lord Christ, have
pity on Sabriso, son of Caharboxt, son of Suray who bore (brought ?) this
(cross)[45]
6. Epigraphy of Alengad Sliva.
Alengad Sliva was
extensively studied by eminent Pahlavi Scholar B T Anklesaria in 1958 AD. The
initial researchers studied about the inscriptions of different Crosses but had
only three Crosses available- the Mailappur Cross and two Kottayam Valiya palli
Crosses. Later, more Crosses were found at Muttuchira and Kadamattom. CPT
Winkworth analysed all these Crosses, but
the Alengad Sliva was not discovered yet.
Mr B T Anklesaria had
the opportunity to study all the Crosses and to consider all the previous
learned deciphering during his reading. Anklesaria read the inscription on
Alengad Sliva carefully analysing the reading of other scholars word by word
and letter by letter, and came to a conclusion as below.
1 Mo-la-he (Lord) 2 Masiha
(anointed)3 Awa-khsai-ch (savior too)
4 u (and) 5 madam (supreme)6 apras
(revelation) 7 ich (too/of)
8 cha-ar-b-ap (four
apostles) 9 Su-riha (Syrians) 10 man-u
(whom) 11 bo-kht (saved) 12 dan-he
( this)[46]
Mr Anklesaria
discusses that from the time of Artakhsir i Papakan (226-230AD) up to the time
of Narsih Sahpur (293-302AD),no conjuncts were used in Pahlavi inscriptions, except for
occasional intentional or unintentional writing together of 'an'. From the time
of Sahpuhr the III (383-388AD) the conjuncts 'an' and 'ph' started
appearing in coin legends (coin inscriptions) The conjuncts 'at' and 'ap' on the coins of Khusru Kavat (488-531 AD) and 'khv' , 'ru' and 'ap' on the coins of Khusru Kavatan, 'ra' or 'rh' on the coins of
Varahran VI and the conjunct 'ache' as in the word 'molache' in our Sliva inscriptions are
found in the coins of Hormazd IV ( 579-590 AD), Khusru II (590- 628 AD) and
Yazdkart III (632-641 and 641-651 AD in exile) but never seen in MS Pahlavi[47]. In
the Pahlavi inscriptions of these Slivas, there exist a large number of
conjuncts. It has to be noted that these inscriptions use a mode of orthography
found later in Pahlavi MSS. The oldest Pahlavi manuscript known to exist was
written in the eighth century AD.[48]
Anklesaria comments
that the inscriptions on these Crosses are similar with only minor variations,
some of the variations could be decorative modifications at the beginning and
end. He thinks that the oldest of these Crosses could have been erected in, or
soon after or earlier to the time of Sasanian Emperor Sahpuhr II (340AD) , but
could not be earlier to the Paikuli inscription of King Nars-ahi (293-302AD)[49]
But it is not clear why he made an assumption that the latest date could be 340
AD or immediately after that year when there are features of orthography of
Pahlavi MSS, the earliest that is still extant is of 8th century AD.
Anklesaria calls the
Cross found at Alengad as Cranganore Cross in his article without any specific references and comments
that the Cross at Alengad is the oldest,
as it is the only Cross where we can find
the ninth word 'suriha'
inscribed without any faults and also the conjunct 'ich' is written distinctly at the end of the third word- 'awakhs--aisch' and
in the seventh word 'afras--ich'. The conjunct 'ich' is distinctly cut in the smaller
Kottayam Cross also. The 'ch' of the
eighth word 'chahar-bap' is connected
to the 'ich' of the 7th word probably
by mistake in both Kottayam Crosses but in Alengad Sliva, it is correctly cut
separate from 7th word. The Alengad Cross is the only one in which the fourth
word, the conjunction 'u' prefixed to 'madam'.
In the Alengad Sliva,
in the eighth word 'ch-arb-o-ap-o-o',
two dots are found over the letter 'r'
which the engravers of Kottayam Crosses thought that these are to be attached
to the letter 'r' and cut it 'har' instead of 'ar' , thus altering the word 'ch-ar'
to 'ch-har'.[50]
Anklesaria has clearly
noted the crack on the Alengad Sliva formed by the fire as mentioned earlier.
The crack is found on the lower part of the Sliva extending from the word 'b-o-ap' on the left side breaking the the 'a' in the first part of the conjunct 'ap' and the horrizontal line of the
letter 'b' below the conjunct 'ap' to the first letter 'b'
of the eleventh word 'b-o-kh-t-o',
making this 'b' appear like 'v' with a line under the letters 'o-kh-t'. This 'b'
is cut distinctly in the two Kottayam Crosses, the Mount Cross and the
Muttuchira Cross. Thus, it appears that even when there are degradation of
quality in many letters in other copies from Alengad Cross, the degradation due to this crack found in
Alengad is not copied to the rest of the copies. This is an evidence that the
Alengad Sliva was copied before the crack was formed, validating the assumption
that this crack was formed during the fire in AD 1603 as described by Gouvea.
7.Age of these Inscriptions.
The age of these
inscriptions have been fixed at about 7th or 8th century AD by most of the
Pahlavi experts. As the conjunct 'ache' is found from 579 AD but not seen used
in 8th century Pahlavi MSS, we have to assume that the inscriptions could be
belong to a period between 6th to 8th
century AD.
As mentioned earlier,
these Pahlavi inscribed Sliva-s are pointing towards a Pahlavi phase of the
Church of Saint Thomas Christians in Malabar, when the Thomas Christians were
hierarchically dependent on the Church of Fars which used Pahlavi as their
liturgical language. Chronicles of Seert narrates that
Mana, the Bishop of Rewardushir ( Fars- South Persia) wrote religious
discourses, canticles and hymns in Pahlavi language and translated the works of
Diodore and Theodore of Mopseustia into Syriac and sent them to India and the
islands of the sea in 470 AD.[51] It
was Patriarch Iso Yahb III (650-660 AD)
or his successor Sliba Zcha (714-728 AD) who raised the Church of India to a
Metropolitan See directly under the Patriarch of Selusia- Ctesiphon.[52]
Therefore, the Pahlavi phase might have extended a period from 5th century AD
to 8th century AD and these Crosses might have been erected during these
period, or brought to Malabar later by the Persian immigrants. If it was the Persian immigrants who brought a Sliva
with Pahlavi inscriptions and they, or
the local Christians made copies of it, then the age of the inscriptions may
not be pertinent to the history of the Church of the Christians of Saint
Thomas.
8. Conclusion.
Alengad Sliva seems to
be the oldest Pahlavi inscribed Crosses of South India and the rest of the Crosses are copies of it.
Thus, Alengad Sliva is the most ancient Christian artefact found in South India
and is the most valuable antiquity of the Nasrani Syrian Christian Community of
Malabar. This Sliva was venerated by the forefathers of the Christian
settlement in Alengad during the period of Antonio de Gouvea and Archbishop
Alexis De Menesis, but later neglected and dumped on the wayside without
knowing what it is, until rediscovered by Rev Fr. Joseph Panjikkaren in 1931 AD.
This Sliva was adorned
in the Madbha of a shrine in Alengad, as recorded by the early Portuguese
writers which was the custom of the native Christians. This shrine was made of
bamboo and clay. Therefore, this shrine that was dedicated to the Holy Cross
could have been the oldest Church of the Christian settlement in Alengad rather
than the Saint Mary's Church that was made of stones. We know that many of the
ancient Churches of Saint Thomas Christians that were made of bamboo and clay
were rebuilt by the Portuguese with stones. Thus, this Sliva was the symbol of worship of the ancient Christian
settlement of Alengad.
If this Cross was the
Burnt Cross of Alengad, then the Sliva described by Gouvea in Kodungallur (Cranganore)
town in front of which the Archbishop Menesis celebrated a solemn mass is still
missing, could be hidden somewhere in the locality. There is scope for more
investigations and excavations in the area.
Recently, the
Christian Community of Alengad built a brand new Church- building demolishing
the old one. It is sad that this invaluable momento, which was the most adorned
Christian imagery of the local Christians before the introduction of various
statues of Saints and statues of Misiha on the Cross, is still neglected in a chapel on the side of
the road unprotected in the damp environment.
The Syro Malabar Major
Archiepiscopal Church has a duty to protect and preserve this most ancient symbol of worship evolved among the local
Christian community. The Holy Synod should take special interest in setting up a
Christian Archaeology Centre to conduct further researches and excavations to
find the missing Crosses like the one described by Antonio Gouvea and to
protect and preserve the existing monuments.
The old Saint Mary's Church at Alengad.
[1] Sliva is a Syriac word for Cross. Alengad Sliva is a
granite bas relief plain Cross with Pahlavi inscriptions. It has a floral
arrangements in the base and a descending dove touching the top of the Cross.
[2] BERNARD THOMAS, Mar Thoma Kristhyanikal,( Book published
in Malayalam language- Saint Thomas Christians ) Mar Thoma Sleeha Press, Palai,
1916 p 325.( The History of The saint Thomas Christians by Rev Fr Bernard of
Saint Thomas T O C D)
[3] PIUS MALEKKANDATHIL, Jornada of Dom Alexis De Menezes: A
Portuguese Account of the Sixteenth Century Malabar, LRC Publications, Kochi, 2003, p 594.
[4] Angamaly Padiyola-01.02.1787 AD, page 3 of the copy, Varthamana
pusthakam, PAREMMAKKAL THOMMAN CATHANAAR, Oriental Institute of Religious
Studies India Publications, reprint 1989
p480-481.
[5] Archdeacon was the
most privileged position among the
Thomas Christians. A native Cathanaar
holds this dignity which is next only to the Archbishop. He was the temporal
head of the Church in Malabar. The Archdeacon of All India had certain
ceremonial role also in enthroning the local King. Even when Archbishop Mar
Abraham was present, Pope Gregory XIII has sent five Papal briefs to the
Archdeacon, recognising the dignity of this title among the Nasrani community.
(Rev Dr Xavier Koodapuzha, Bharatha sabha
Charithram- History of the Church in India-p301, Rev Dr Xavier Koodpuzha, Mar Thoma Nasrani Sabha Vijnana Kosham-
Encyclopaedia of Saint Thomas Christian Church- p124.) The Apostolic Commissary
and Later the Archbishop, Joseph Sebastiani wrote "Among the Christians of Saint Thomas, the
position of the Archdeacon is next to the Archbishop. It is a very ancient privileged
position which comes down in succession .It is a great dignity as it is
according to the Greek (Eastern) Church. There is no other indigenous dignity
neither secular nor religious, greater than Archdeacon, who is considered to be
the prince and Head of the Saint Thomas Christians" Archives of the
Congregation of Propaganda Fide, Rome, Scritti riferitti nel Congr., General,
Vol 233, f.111 ( Xavier Koodapuzha,
Bharatha Sabha Charithram, pp 301-302)
[6] The Syrian Christian
Priests were called Cathanaars. It may be a Malabar version of the Syriac word
Kassessa. In the Portuguese documents,
the word Kassanar is used. (Rev Dr Xavier Koodapuzha, Marthoma Sabha Vijnana Kosham, p208
[7] XAVIER KOODAPUZHA, Mar Thoma Nasrani Sabha Vijnana Kosham, (Encyclopaedia
of Saint Thomas Christians, )p 126
[8] PAREMMAKKAL THOMMAN CATHANAAR,Varthamana Pusthakam, Janatha Services Thevara, reprint 1987 OIRSI
p45.
[11] JOANNES FACUNDUS RAULIN,
Historis Ecclesiae Malabaricae cum
Diamperitana Synodo, Rome, 1745,p 428 cited by PIUS
MELEKKANDATHIL, Jornada of Dom Alexis De Menesis: A Portuguese
Account of the Sixteenth Century Malabar, LRC Publications Cochin, 2003 p136,
PAULINUS DE
BARTHOLOMEW, India Orientalis Christiana, Roma, 1794,p 267.cited by PIUS
MALEKKANDATHIL ,Opus cit p 136.
Raulin was the
former Superior General of the Order of the Hermites of Saint Augustine,
translated the acts of the Synod of Diamper from Portuguese into Latin. As an
introduction, he wrote a summary of the Jordana and a short History of
Christianity in India. ( PIUS MALEKKANDATHIL, Opus cit. pxxi)
[12] DU PERRON, Zend Avesta, p vol I p I.33 as cited by PIUS MALEKKANDATHIL, Jornada of Dom Alexis De Menesis: A Portuguese
Account of the Sixteenth Century Malabar, LRC Publications Cochin, 2003 .p136 foot note 128
[15] HENRY E J STANLEY, A Description of the coasts of East Africa and
Malabar in the beginning of Sixteenth century by Duarte Barbosa,
London, Hakluyt Society, p188, 189, 202
[16] J J MODI, A Christian Cross with a Pahlavi Inscription
recently discovered in the Travancore State,
Journal of the Bombay Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol
II, August 1926, pp 1-18.
[18] JOSEPH VAZHUTHANAPALLI,
Archaeology of Mar Sliba, Oriental
Institute of Religious Studies India Publications, Kottyam, p 16 foot note 30
[19] COSME JOS COSTA, Apostolic Christianity in Goa and in the
West Coast, Xavarian Publication Society, 2009, p 75.
[20] PIUS MALEKKANDATHIL, Opus cit. p216, also foot note 177 on p 216- (Page 138 of Gouvea's original work
mentions about several crosses found inside the churches are called as Saint Thomas Crosses).
PIUS
MALEKKANDATHIL, Opus cit. pp244-245 and also foot note 190 on p 245
[22] B
T ANKLESARIA, The Pahlavi inscription on
the Crosses in South India, Journal of K R Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay,
Ed Jamshed C Tarapore, 1958, vol 39 p 82
[23] PIUS MALEKKANDATHIL, Opus
cit. p 136 foot note 128 citing Anquetil Du Perron, Zend Avesta, vol I pI.33
[29] BERNARD THOMAS , Mar Thoma Kristhyanikal- Saint Thomas
Christians-Saint Thomas Apostle Press, Palai, 1916, p 324
[34] A M MUNDADAN, The arrival of the Portuguese in India and
the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob,Bangalore, 1967, p 75, 73 cited by JACOB KOLLAMPARAMPIL, The Persian Crosses in India are Christian, not Manichaen,
Christian Orient, March 1994, p 30
[35] HENRY E J STANLEY, A Description of the coasts of East Africa and
Malabar in the beginning of Sixteenth century by Duarte Barbosa,
London, Hakluyt Society,pp162-3, 176
[37] C P T WINKWORTH, A new interpretation of the Pahlavi Cross
inscriptions of South India, The Journal of Theological studies, April
1929, cited by T K JOSEPH, Ed Kerala
Society Papers series 3 p159-166
[38] T K JOSEPH, Observations on C P T WINKWORTH, A new
interpretation of the Pahlavi Cross inscriptions of South India, The
Journal of Theological studies, April 1929, T K Joseph, Ed Kerala Society
Papers series 3 pp164-166
[39] C P T WINKWORTH, A new interpretation of the Pahlavi Cross
inscriptions of South India, The Journal of Theological studies, April
1929, cited by T K Joseph, Ed Kerala Society Papers series 3 p159-166
[40] C P T WINKWORTH, A new interpretation of the Pahlavi Cross
Inscriptions of Southern India, Kerala Society Papers, Series 3, p163.
[41] T K JOSEPH, Revised Interpretation of the Pahlavi Cross
Inscriptions of Southern India, Kerala Society Papers, Series 5, p 267-268.
[42] CARLO G CERETI, LUCA M
OLIVIERY, JOSEPH VAZHUTHANAPPALLI, The
Problem of the Saint Thomas Crosses and related Questions. Epigraphical Surveys
and Preliminary Research, East and West 52, pp 285-310
[43] GEORGE NEDUNGATT, Quest for The Historical Thomas Apostle of
India; a re reading of Evidence, Theological Publications in India, Bangalore,2008, p386 citing G GROPP,
'Die Pahlavi-Inschrift auf dem
Thomaskreus in Madras' ,Archaelogisches Mitteilungen aus Iran, NF 3, 1970,
pp 267-271.
[44] GEORGE NEDUNGATT, Opus
cit. p385-386 citing PHILIPPE GIGNOUX, 'The
Pahlavi Inscriptions on Mount Thomas Cross (South India)', Solving Riddles and
Untying Knots: Biblical , Epigraphin and Semitic studies in Honour
of J C Greenfield, Eisenbrauns, 1995, pp 411-422.
[48] E W WEST, Pahlavi Literature, p79 citing E SACHAU,
Fragmente von Pahlavi-Papyri aus Aegypten,
Z. f. Aegypt. Spr. 1878,pp. 114—116. http://farsibg.com/library/Pahlavi_Literature-E.W.West.pdf.
E W WEST, Pahlavi
Texts, Cambridge University Collection vol I Introduction p xxi
[51] A MINGANA, Early spread of Christianity in India, The
Journal of the John Rylands Library vol 10 p 460
[52] PLACID PODIPARA, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar Church, in
Collected Works of Rev. Dr. Placid J
Podipara CMI, Vol I, p 666.
1 comment:
Useful study.
Fr.Thaikkoottathil
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